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America’s plan of attack in Afghanistan has evolved significantly, since President Donald Trump announced his new strategy for confronting the Taliban-led insurgency and the Islamic State’s inroads in Afghanistan – but the poor state of the Afghan troops, and the inability of the Afghan government to care for all its people are just two of the red flags warning of a long fight to come. Despite some progress, we are a long way from that day, and the U. will have to confront some hard truths in its latest iteration of America’s longest war.
defines victory in Afghanistan as a state in which the government in Kabul firmly controls most of the country, and is able to fend off challenges to its authority mostly on its own.
The Obama administration spent many months attempting to engage in meaningful talks. Eventually, the State Department established a channel with Tayyab Agha, a man thought to be a key emissary for Taliban Founder Mullah Omar. Some assume that the two are already mutually exclusive. Al-Qaida’s leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri, is openly loyal to the Taliban’s emir, Hibatullah Akhundzada.
It is worth noting that Akhundzada, a well-known ideologue, is no moderate.
Pakistani safe havens have been crucial for the Taliban. Defense and State Departments regularly note the importance of these Pakistani safe havens to this day.
After being run out of Afghanistan in late 20, the Taliban regrouped in Pakistan, launching a new insurgency in 2004. “Attacks in Afghanistan attributed to Pakistan-based militant networks continue to erode the Afghanistan-Pakistan relationship,” the Pentagon noted in June.
Yet the ANDSF will have to play a crucial role in the years to come if the Taliban is going to be consigned to irrelevance. However, the Taliban is using its rural terrain to threaten urban areas.
But that would only clear the way for the insurgents to make even further gains. One of the chief goals of the peace talks is to sever the Taliban from al-Qaida.
Rates of attrition within the Afghan National Army (ANA) are so high – “about one-third of the force was lost annually” between 20 – that the military has increasingly relied on soldiers “with little to no training.” This dismal state of affairs has many authors, dating back to the Bush administration. military, as well as its Afghan and Western allies, now have more tools at their disposal to fight the insurgents. needs to develop a strategy for clearing and holding the Taliban’s most important rural safe havens. Nicholson is understandably focused on securing as much of the population as possible.
It is doubtful that just several thousand more American troops will be the decisive factor. led bombing raids on drug labs in Helmand province – the first such bombings of their kind. According to NATO, the Taliban is “responsible for up to 85 percent of the world’s opium production” with 0 million from these illegal sales flowing into the group’s coffers. And it says much about America’s inconsistent approach to the war that these facilities were previously untouched. But how those capabilities are deployed is just as important. This is a cornerstone of counterinsurgency doctrine.
Sirajuddin Haqqani, who leads the network named after his family, is also the Taliban’s second-in-command. is pretending that there is some firm dividing line between the two. Moreover, Pakistan has sheltered many Taliban leaders, whether their name has Haqqani in it or not.
Therefore, the aid package should be contingent on Pakistan’s willingness to disrupt the Taliban as a whole. In addition, Congress reportedly dropped language requiring Pakistan to take action against Lashkar-e-Taiba (Le T), another jihadist group that is allied with both al-Qaida and the Taliban and is believed to be responsible for the notorious November 2008 attack on India’s financial capital Mumbai.
His son committed a suicide bombing this past summer.